Abstract

The aim of this study was to analyze the influence of parental styles in negotiation and conflict between parents and adolescents, from the perspective of each one. So the study was divided into two phases. The purpose of the first phase was to analyze the interrelationships between parenting styles that adolescents perceive both parents and styles of negotiation which the teenager used. The goal of the second phase was to analyze the influences that have parental styles in the conflict padres-adolescents, from the perspective of fathers and mothers. The results obtained in this study allow deducing that the parental style influences the way in which teenagers particípate in the negotiations, as well as in the intensity and frequency of the conflict perceived by parents. We conclude that when the parenting style of both parents is perceived warm teen uses a negotiation based on collaboration-equity, while parents characterized as warm, perceive a decrease in the intensity and frequency of conflict with their children.

Abstract

The effects of electoral debates on audiences have been extensively studied in the academia, having been concluded that they can be relevant, both in the cognitive and behavioural realm. However, various investigations suggest that media coverage can be a strong moderator of the possible effects on electoral behaviour. The present investigation shows the effect of the number of candidates present in the electoral debate in Spain in the subsequent media coverage. Using innovative machine learning techniques, the presence of conflict in media coverage has been identified to show that, when there are more than two candidates, media tend to focus on other elements, relegating the most conflictive moments to a secondary place.

Abstract

This article presents the results of a quantitative analysis of two Romanian Facebook communities' self-presentations during the online and offline anti-fracking protests in Romania. In 2013 Romanians started to protest against the gas exploration of the US giant Chevron in the village of Punge?ti. The online and offline Punge?ti Resistance Movement turned within one month from a rural to a national mobilization tool meant to help the Romanian peasants affected by the proposed shale gas exploration operations of Chevron. Since the online engagement desired to finally turn into an offline participation is highly dependent on the informing practice, we consider that a framing analysis of the Facebook posts will reflect whether they are culturally compatible and relevant for the protesters. Using the framing theory in social movements as our theoretical background, we provided a comparative content analysis of two Romanian Facebook communities' postings (October, 2013 - February, 2014). We focused on identifying the verbal and visual framing devices and the main collective action frames used for the shaping of the online communities' collective identity. The findings revealed a dominance of «land struggle» as a collective action frame followed by «conflict» and «solidarity» and a salience of photos and video files used as framing devices of cultural relevance for Romanian protesters and of evidence of offline anti-fracking activism in Romania.

Abstract

The current debate in the academic sphere regarding the role of extreme right-wing parties during the coronavirus pandemic extends to its communicative aspect. While some authors argue that these parties have focused their messages on the perspectives of fear, the threat represented by immigrants, or conspiracies in an unsuccessful way, even considering them to be the “losers of the crisis,” others emphasize their ability to build a sense of community through resilience. The present research aims to take up these discussions and delve deeper into the study of the communicative frames of European political parties, with a particular focus on the far right, to draw more nuanced conclusions. For this purpose, a double methodology has been implemented through the coding of the frames used in a total of 2,757 Twitter posts during the month of March 2020 from the major government and extreme right-wing parties in Germany, France, Spain, and Poland. The results show that the parties studied present differences in their communicative frames, not according to their position on the ideological spectrum, as might be expected, but rather to their role as the executive power in the government or as part of the opposition of their respective legislative chambers.